September 09, 2015

Trump vs. the Establishment

Presidential elections in America tend to offer voters two choices: Evil and Lesser Evil. Establishment-approved candidate #1 and establishment-approved candidate #2. This partly explains Donald Trump's current popularity. He is a political outsider who thumbs his nose at the establishment at every opportunity (well, almost every opportunity, see here).

How did we get here? How did we get to the point where the American public is so fed up with the establishment that they will accept virtually any alternative? And, of course, this question prompts another question:  Who exactly is this establishment and how did they come to power?

C. Jay Engel (following Murray Rothbard, Carroll Quigley, and Carl Oglesby) explains the rise of the U. S. political power elite:
. . . the roots of this order took place with the Fabian socialists in England. . . . the Fabian circles began to work in unison with the secret societies funded and maintained by John Ruskin’s student Cecil Rhodes, whose gigantic diamond-sourced wealth allowed him to have an impactful influence in British politics.  In describing the influence on the American power elite from the other side of the Atlantic, Rothbard pointed out that Cecil Rhodes had in mind a British re-incorporation with the United States.  And thus, Rhodes took his magnificent riches and funded all sorts of powerful international “groups” and organizations that provided “expertise” on all matters foreign policy and banking and “public policy.”  These groups, labelled by Cecil Rhodes as Round Table Groups included the British versions (Royal Institute of International Affairs) and the American versions as well (Council on Foreign Relations).  But they largely reflected the same worldview and the same power elite. . . . Internationalist and globalist political organizations that were established during World War One (such as the League of Nations) and World War Two (the United Nations) were led by power-persons from these groups, who were leaders and members of various commercial banks, central banks, industrial leaders, and so forth.  These were formulated to provide the necessary resources for more of a “one world government” model, led by the international socialists.  They never fully accomplished their goal as quickly as they hoped to following the end of World War Two.  For the British Empire could not survive the financial and monetary damage that it had hoisted on itself in its shenanigans during world war two.  It was actually the American elite who were left standing after Britain’s collapse as the sole influence in the Western world.  Of course, it tried to maintain its domineering influence on all the same organizations started by British initiation, as Murray Rothbard notes.  The Rockefellers spent absurd amounts of money and resources in an attempt to maintain Western-global control.  But they were unable to get to comfortable.  Into this Cold War context, came the new power group: the neoconservatives.
The power elite in America since the rise of the neocons has largely been a struggle between the Old Establishment (the Rockefeller heirs of the Fabian days) and the new “Sun belt Cowboys” (the neocons) that rose to power with the oil booms in Texas and the American southwest.  While the Establishment was full of old money and had for decades found friends in both political parties (forever ensuring their ultimate victory— not [sic] matter who was elected), the neocons swept in to government positions when Ronald Reagan promised to empty the Executive branch of the Old Rockefeller “Trilateralist” (another globalist organization) influence.  But Reagan only succeeded in getting half the Establishment out.  And into the void to fill the other half came the neocons parading into power.
And it's those neocons and their political heirs who are now battling Trump for the GOP nomination (link, link). Read the rest of C. Jay's analysis here.


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